Street and the reasons ; ; By Mario Wainfeld, Page 12, Saturday, April 30
A well-organized event, massive, which came as he thought. The design of the box, the whole detail. Moyano's speech, tone, range, the exaltation of Kirchner. A little message on the 90 and dictatorship. The logic of a stable alliance. Demands. Prepaid, profit sharing, intersectoral dialogue. And something else.
Climate, rara avis in the political climate, took a middle position. No Peronist lavished one day, sunny and bright, but not rain, avoiding spoiling the festivities. The turnout was massive, meticulous organization and seamless. The protesters arrived, they were expressed and leaving almost no arguments to the dominant media Vulgate. Counts are always microphones and choris, but they are pathetic explanation for the attendance of so much crowd. Calling them "militants", as some press insists, is a double conceptual weakness. First, it starts to undermine the militants, considering them an inferior species to free citizens (the people) those who, by tens, presented themselves to acts of Rabbi Sergio Bergman. Second, because anyone who knows politics can believe that nobody, not even a union leader and general secretary of the CGT, Hugo Moyano, congregate many militants. If you tell them, would dawn. Backstage at the event was undoubtedly organization, seasoned cadres, militants. In the Avenida 9 de Julio, who likes to enjoy a social base any opposing force may call today.
The speech was delivered early, even earlier than planned days ago. The intention was to prevent spills and ensure a quiet devolution, with natural light.
The stage, overwhelmingly male, was also thought to minutiae. Moyano was flanked by Daniel Scioli and Julio De Vido. The governor of Buenos Aires was the most important representative present, with the one-wringing over the handling of presidential PJ and lists, but also harmony enough to recognize a place of privilege. The national minister is the one very cool with the dome CGT.
In the first row, union leaders alternated with ministers, while Pablo Moyano was next to the referent of the Cámpora, Andres "El Cuervo" Larroque.
public demands were heard and known, without fanfare or excesses. There was no press, there were political.
Words: Moyano is a self-educated, very intelligent. No one goes his journey (from very low to his current position) is not. Accustomed to the facts of the masses, driving a comprehensive record as a speaker. It can be a fiery and witty debater, an agitator can be rough. Yesterday, favored elaborate three quarters of an hour as a leader serene visit in recent history, describe the reasons for a strategic alliance between the trade union sector and the Kirchner government. Moderated the use of voice, he limited in terms of sarcasm, irony and outbursts of which has a good repertoire. In such cases, the head of the truckers longer vowels, probably not to speak too fast nor too strong.
His punctilious description of what happened since 2003 very much in line with logical overtones, with the narrative of the hard drive "Penguin." The string threaded achievements, legal and cultural changes, recognition of workers' rights, foreign policy, challenges to the International Monetary Fund and the FTAA. He praised developments in recent years, traditionally alien to the demands of the CGT: the media law, the Universal for Child (AUH).
That was the core of the speech, the description of the instrumental logic that explains the commitment to a project. Accession is not unconditional, since it is based counterparts. Neither is passive, since it streamlines with claims. Exaltation and
message: The exaltation of the figure of former President Nestor Kirchner framed and initiated discourse. Moyano asked for a moment of silence for Peron, Evita, the martyrs of the labor movement and Kirchner. And then I recalled in detail and giving an account of his affection ("those who loved him.") To the President he reserved praise, thanks for your letter of commitment to act and a more institutional. Reproduced the type of relationship that linked him and linked to each. Moyano
mitigated his militancy, as a genuine lion herbivore, although it allowed a couple of licenses. The first did not come out of his mouth but a text written by "a fellow worker of the press" dedicated "to Black", who read the general secretary of the Union Dredging and Marking, Juan Carlos Schmidt. He served as a prologue to a single speaker had with, I had a funny story: a defense of the union leaders, a shovel to those from other social classes put them under the microscope constantly. In the praises of Moyano, who lashed a paragraph "in shares bought by Menem." A reference that could have done blush many of the occupants of the box, political or union leaders, cabinet members, heads of provinces or municipalities. All autobiography combines strategic remembering and forgetting. All memory includes ellipsis, alterations of the past. Hence, no one would take the hint and be deprived of applause, but the message existed.
completeness, and in the mouth of Moyano, the evocation of the first general strike against the dictatorship, of which 32 years are met. Moya recalled and praised the "25", which was promoted, to their own union (then led by Ricardo Perez), who participated actively and glossed a criticism of those not involved, may do so.
was a burst of differentiation in an inclusive discourse of belonging and also an affirmation of identity.
Claims: These claims, well-known, rounded speech but were not your main course. The listing for the elections, a tug that has its flats and in which the political wing of the Front for Victory (FPV), probably will miss the ability to articulate, pressing and negotiation of Nestor Kirchner. The useful
is not the enemy of the pleasant or the circumstantial accessible to the virtual desirable. Perhaps that is why the secretary general said the ideal of "fifty-fifty" so difficult to tabulate and yet so distant, as the chronicler ojímetro of more accurate measurements of the ruling but related specialists outside the INDEC.
Two projects have been integrated parliamentary payroll, deserve a paragraph each.
constitutional debt: The worker participation in company profits is much more than a project cualunque we speak of a failed constitutional mandate for more than half a century. Of course, that does not move the broomrape to business corporations, much of the opposition parties, opinion-makers and lawyers (in other subjects) boast of being Republican without fainting. Moya clinched yesterday the need for approval which, alas, sails against the logic of Congress 2011.
With sharply divided the two chambers, several senators and deputies engaged in campaigns is almost impossible to progress proposals that have no widespread consensus. This is far from being one of them. Taking it to the site could be for the FPV a reverse undesirable, you will want to avoid. The alleged support of the opposition center in the Lower House only worth, at best. Factional disputes and the desire to differentiate themselves from the ruling could affect as it would place more than the ideological validity of the project. The outcome of the chronicler is that with the current coordinates in Congress, the share of profits must wait until a better time. It could be 2012, should there be a comfortable victory kirchnerismo. Otherwise, the file will be nonstop.
Moyano, who knows the cloth, probably not expecting the birth of the law this year but keep flag high as valid as weathered strictly by the employer, whose attachment to the Constitution is much lower than its interest in defending their power. The power within the company is the focus of this discussion, even more than silver.
The legal brawl: The regulation of business prepaid legal health is a misunderstanding or a case of bad faith exhibition, to be precise. The project was approved by deputies, corrected by the Senate, returned to the Chamber. At this stage, deputies do not have room for disposal, is forced by Article 81 of the Constitution to approve. With the original text, if it gets a majority to crush Senators correction. With reforms the upper house, otherwise. There is no third position
worth, the Constitution leaves no room. Therefore, Members are violating their duties when skulks in treatment. The reasons are not Republican but naked power: business lobbies pushing a great time. Major sponsors in the media, have them as squires. The pattern has his own private, will not believe. Too many MPs are sensitized by the pressure and fail in their duty.
Demonizing the law, which has more than one year of path and was not driven by the labor movement, "a claim Moyano is a cunning way of fighting, camouflaging the malpractice of certain legislators. By the way rum, give them a hand curette doctors and their particular vision of what should be the health system.
The rule will go out and alleviate some of the looting suffered by customers of the private system. The companies argue that fail in raid, perhaps they are victimizing, as is his habit.
A relegated Council: Moyano was prone to delayed formation of the Council for Economic and Social Agreement. It is a longstanding initiative of the President, who never found the right time. In 2008, when he made his first steps, it blew up the conflict with agricultural entities.
retreading the stage was difficult, climbing from Government and aggravated Clarín multimedia complexity.
On several occasions, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner asked the ministers Carlos Tomada and De Vido to draft the project or replenish it in the window. Create a tripartite institution, mandatory consultation, would be an interesting development. Achieving the ceiling is very hard to achieve. Again, it gives the impression that this election year is the occasion requires. The stubborn opposition from large corporations, which Techint adds, add gravel.
What can be translated and has the charm of the possible is more cross-sector dialogue with government intervention. The spectrum of business corporations is not piped the same melody as Techint and Clarín. His anger anti is lower, the anointing of the ubiquitous José Ignacio de Mendiguren the front of the Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) testifies to the transition. Several factors explain it, surely the most powerful are the governance, sustained growth, the stage for re-election. In addition, many entrepreneurs anger against the government but believe that a government opponent would be a calamity. The prosperity that surrounds them (they take it with a shovel, by wheelbarrow or container, different economic schools disagree) round the table. Join
productive actors, mitigate conflict, dividing a business that years ha was hostile and homogeneous block are good incentives for the government, he did a good test of agricultural corporations.
Chaos are outsiders: Nothing was neglected, and the use of space nor the time. The event was a success, having achieved its objectives, a clear support for the project Kirchner, the reelection of President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, a check "in the box game" of equity. Heritage that includes, for years, a street presence that recognizes few precedents in the labor movement, perhaps only the charismatic Saul Ubaldini.
mobilization capacity not mechanically translate into votes. But it is a political resource that any player should have. It is also a gallon, within Peronism, have recovered the massive celebration on May 1. There was a long time that was just passed. Compliments
their desires, let mobilization in accordance with the CGT and the Casa Rosada. The citizen counterpart, despite the clamor of the media, was low. Traffic problems in a restricted area of \u200b\u200bthe Autonomous City. A bargain compared to the rumpus that went through London, where he is so cute that people want.
Partners seems to us an interesting analysis that, in the context of recognizing the centrality turn taking in their hands are workers in the deepening of the national project. This May 1st is lived a festival as long not lived among the workers, but at the same time this people's government after the party's bicentennial we are starting to get used, because as I said Jauretche "nothing big can do with sadness "